As the New Patriotic Party (NPP) prepares to hold its National Delegates Conference on Saturday to discuss possible amendments to its constitution, the stakes could not be higher.
After the 2024 electoral defeat, the party finds itself at a crossroads – needing to rebuild, reconnect with its base, and restructure to be fit for purpose ahead of the crucial 2028 general elections.
As a journalist who has followed the party keenly, I believe the seven key proposals before conference, if adopted, will make the NPP more democratic, inclusive, efficient, and electorally formidable.
Here is why each matters:
Making the Presidential Candidate, rather than the National Chairman, leader of the party
This is perhaps the most critical reform. Globally, the face and leader of a political party going into a general election is its presidential candidate.
Currently, having the National Chairman as leader creates a dual power centre, often leading to friction, mixed messaging and power struggles between the party headquarters and the flagbearer’s camp.
This was evident in both 2008 and 2024.
Making the presidential candidate the leader ensures clarity of direction, unity of command, and aligns responsibility with accountability.
When you lead, you must be seen to lead.
The candidate must have the authority to shape the campaign message, strategy and team.
Restoring the President to the National Steering Committee
The expulsion of the sitting President from the National Steering Committee in previous amendments was politically counterproductive.
How can a party sideline its own President from its highest decision-making body between National Executive Committee meetings?
Restoring the President ensures seamless coordination between government and party, prevents the dangerous disconnect that makes party grassroots feel abandoned while in power, and allows the President to appreciate party concerns firsthand.
It fosters collective ownership of both successes and failures.
Appointment of additional vice chairpersons at national, regional and constituency levels
The workload on party executives is enormous.
One or two vice chairpersons are overstretched, especially in large regions like Ashanti, Greater Accra and Eastern.
Adding more vice chairpersons will allow for division of labour, effective supervision of constituencies, and ensure that party work does not stall when the chairman is unavailable.
It also creates room to accommodate diverse interests, experience and regional balance within the party leadership.
Appointment of deputy regional and constituency communication officers
In modern politics, communication is war.
The NDC has proven to be more aggressive and decentralized in its communication.
Currently, one communication officer at regional and constituency level is overwhelmed by radio stations, social media, and community engagements.
They cannot be everywhere at once.
Deputies will strengthen the party’s ability to respond swiftly to propaganda, defend government achievements, and propagate party messages in every corner.
For 2028, where the battle will be fought heavily on social media and local radio, this is non-negotiable.
Making the offices of first, second and third vice chairpersons distinct elective positions
When vice chairperson positions are lumped together and candidates who place first, second and third are declared as such, it creates legitimacy crisis.
The first vice chairman often feels more legitimate than the third.
Making each position distinct and electable means candidates will campaign specifically for a position, delegates will vote with clear intent, and the hierarchy will be clear and uncontested.
It ends post-conference bickering over ranking and seniority.
Permitting all card-bearing members to vote in presidential and parliamentary primaries
This is the ultimate game-changer.
The current limited Electoral College system breeds vote-buying, intimidation, and creates a disconnect between the elected candidate and the true base.
Expanding the franchise to all card-bearing members will:
- a) Restore true ownership of the party to its members.
- b) Drastically reduce monetization and vote-buying because no aspirant can bribe over 2 million members.
- c) Ensure the most popular, not the highest bidder, wins.
- d) Energize the base and boost membership drive.
If the NPP wants to be truly democratic and prevent apathy, this is the way to go.
The party that trusts its members, wins their loyalty.
Adding IT officers to the regional and constituency executive structure
The 2024 elections exposed serious gaps in the NPP’s data management, from collation to membership database.
Elections are now won on data.
Institutionalizing IT officers at every level will professionalize the party’s data collection, manage its membership register, coordinate rapid result collation, counter misinformation online, and drive digital mobilization of the youth.
You cannot win a 2028 election with a 1992 structure.
Conclusion
Together, these seven proposals are not just constitutional amendments; they are survival tools. They seek to cure the internal democracy deficit, cure leadership ambiguity, strengthen grassroots communication, and embrace technology and inclusivity.
If delegates approach Saturday’s conference with the future and not personal interests in mind, and adopt these reforms, the NPP will emerge more united, more attractive to the youth and floating voters, and truly formidable going into 2028.
Article By :Kwame Agyenim Boateng, OTEC Newstoom, Kumasi
